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by: Faye Velasco
    The word "Tinguian" may have been derived from the Malay word "tinggi," which means mountain or highlands, and may have been coined during the early Spanish period. As used by the Spanish colonizers, the word used to refer to all mountain people or hill tribes in the entire archipelago, living in places such as Zambales, Bohol, Basilan, and Mindanao. It was only later that the term was used exclusively for the mountain-dwelling people of Abra, Ilocos Sur, and Ilocos Norte.
The term "Itneg" has come to be used synonymously with "Tinguian." The word, according to one interpretation, is derived from "iti uneg," which literally means "the interior." Or it could have been derived from the combination of the prefix "I-," which indicates a place of origin, and the name of a major river and geographical area, "Tineg." The Tinguian have always thought of themselves and the other highland dwellers of the Cordilleras as Itneg, people of the interior uplands. There is a tendency, however, to refer to the inhabitants of Abra's isolated hinterlands as Itneg and to the province's more acculturated population as Tinguian, especially since the latter are supposedly hardly distinguishable from the lowland Ilocano.
Today, there are two identifiable Tinguian groups, namely, the "valley Tinguian" and the "mountain Tinguian." The first occupy the village communities where there are also Ilocano settlers, while the second are distributed in sparsely populated areas in the highland country of northern and eastern Abra.
The region covered by the original Tinguian population is significant. Azurin (1991) has echoed the earlier contention of the anthropologist Cole that certain pueblos in the Ilocos region "recognized as Ilocano are but Christianized Tinguian." The ancestral domain of the Tinguian covers a mountainous region which has four valleys and four river systems joining up with the Abra River, which empties into the China Sea. It is significant to note that the Spaniards used synonymous terms in referring to the highland dwellers of Abra (the Tinguian), and of the mountain provinces. The latter became known as the Ygorotes or "people from the mountain range". Tinguian territory is bounded on the North by the Ilocos Norte, on the West by Ilocos Sur, on the South by Bangued, and on the East by Kalinga-Apayao. The Tinguian are mainly in the towns of Tubo, San Quintin, Luba, and Buliney in Abra (Peralta 1988:13). They number around 57,000.

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Long before the coming of the Spanish colonizers, Tinguian settlements were already in the place along the coastal region of Ilocos Sur, specially the Narvacan Area southward to Santa Cruz. One theory has it that the Tinguian originated from the coastal areas, the predecessors of the precolonial Ilocano. These people would later move into what is now the province of Abra, where they intermarried with the older population. The descendants of this union are the present-day Tinguian. Others, however, went further upland towards the east, northeast, south and southeast, following the many branches of the Abra River.  The group that trekked to the northeast, along the river called Tineg, may have encountered Aeta who inhabited the region called the Apayao. Those who intermarried with these Aeta came to be called Isneg, an ethno-linguistic group which now populates the western and northern parts of the present Kalinga-Apayao. The pure Aeta group may be found in the Apayao region.
The actual historical origin of the Tinguian has been the subject of much debate and speculation. According to earlier historians and anthropologists, these people may have come from China, or are the descendants of the second wave of Malays who came over in the boats hundred of years ago, or are the offspring of Chinese pirates who regularly came to maraud and were driven into the mountains of Panganisan. (Certain Sinoid features of the Tinguian, particularly their eyes and cheekbones, may have been the basis for the last speculation.) What is definite is the resilience of Tinguian culture, which has survived for centuries under the harsh conditions, physical and political as well as the influences of colonial culture and modernization.

The first mention of the Itneg as a distinct group comes from the "ub-ubuk." These are the genealogical accounts told in connection with funeral rites. These recall the migration of the Itneg of Ilocos Sur to Abra several hundred years ago, following an encounter with the invading Spanish forces.
Past and recent studies have maintained that close affinity exists between the Itneg and the Ilocano; and whatever difference exists as a result of acculturation  (mainly through Christianization) have remained superficial. Both groups share common characteristics in terms of language, cultural traits, and physical characteristics. In fact, according to Cole, there are very slight differences between the lowland Tinguian, the Ilocano and the Apayao, although among the interior inhabitants, the hair tends to be wavy, the only significant difference that seems to stand out.
The Spaniards initiated contact with these natives in 1572 during Salcedo's Ilocos campaign. While Spanish colonization did not immediately disrupt precolonial trade with the neighboring countries, Christianity was at once imposed. Those who would later be identified as Tinguian fled to the mountains in resistance. In 1598, the Spaniards invaded Abra and erected a garrison at the village of Bangued. This drove the Tinguian further up the river where they founded the Langangilang settlement. Conversion was gradual but eventually succeeded in establishing Tinguian villages in the lowlands during the 18th and 19th centuries.
Voluntary assimilation, rewarded by tax exemption and other benefits, failed to attract the Tinguian. Forced to live in pueblos, they were burdened with taxes and forced labor. In 1868 Gov. Gen. Esteban de Peñarubia banished the nonconverts from their homes and confiscated their property. Their native costume was forbidden in the towns. Christianization increased through intimidation because the practice of old customs was made punishable by law. Mounting hostility and the exploitation of the Tinguian alienated them further from Christian Filipinos. Nevertheless trade relations continued and, with the support of the Spaniards and later the Americans, the Ilocano influence grew. By the turn of the century, headhunting had practically disappeared.
The Tinguian were represented in the Philippine revolution of 1898; warriors armed with traditional weapons were sent to fight the Spaniards. When the Americans came, Commissioner Worcester freed Tinguian villages from Ilocano control and granted them autonomy. The removal of unequal taxes and labor requirements prevented major conflicts with the Americans.

  WARRIORS. Tinguian warriors, here shown posing with traditional bow and arrow, fought with other Filipinos in the 1896 Revolution against Spain. (Album de Tipos Filipinos Luzon Norte 1981, Lopez Museum 
    Tinguian socioeconomic life retained much of its traditional character up to the 1950s and the early 1960s. Changes in the economic mainstream started to impinge on Tinguian society since then. The liberal importation of textiles into the country increased to point that locally woven cloths were displaced. Tinguian weavers were not exempted from this influence. In recent years, there has been a constant decline in the supply of indigenous woven material from which the highly touted burial blankets of the Tinguian, and their apparel, are made. In the past, the Tinguian succeeded in producing their own cotton, and continued to use traditional material in perpetuating old designs or creating new ones. This was made necessary by the fact that every phase of the life cycle required a certain type of cloth to be worn or displayed in the many rituals, feasts, and celebrations held periodically.
    The agricultural life of the Tinguian suffered from the introduction of Virginia Tobacco in the 1960s. The attention of farmers was focused on the raising of this cash crop rather that the cultivation of sufficient rice and other staple crops. The cash crop did little to improve the economic situation of the Tinguian. Prices of tobacco were manipulated, and the Tinguian farmers were cheated by intermediaries in the purchase of tobacco leaves.
In recent times, the Tinguian have become one of the most marginalized groups in the Cordillera. Economic underdevelopment, the inaccessibility of their mountainous homeland, and attempts of the Marcos regime to exploit their vast timberlands for large-scale logging and processing of forest products-for corporate profit-served to encourage the growth of insurgency throughout Abra.
The geo-political unit is known today as the Cordillera Administrative Region used to be composed of the province of Benguet, Ifugao, Bontoc, and Kalinga-Apayao, leaving Abra out as part of the Ilocos region. The inclusion of the Tinguian homeland in the Cordillera region is a late recognition of the fact that the Tinguian have a very clear cultural affinity with the Igorot groups, even though a significant part of their society has also been closely identified with Christianized Ilocano society.

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Religious Beliefs and Practices

The Tinguian believe in the presence of spirits in their midst. These spirits, called sasailo, dwell in the natural surroundings or move among human beings, and exert influence on events and activities in human society. The sasailo possess powers and intelligence which are equal or superior to those of human beings, and they become the basis for certain sanctions and prohibitions that must be followed by people, on pain of retribution. They are to be feared and respected. Taking the form of human beings, they move about, aware of everything that is going on.
The Tinguian classify supernatural beings into three general categories: spirits who have existed through all time; spirits of inferior rank which are neither benevolent nor evil; and spirits of ancestors and other mortals who are invisible, but who may enter the bodies of mediums so that they can communicate with the living (Fortin 1978:37).
In Tinguian cosmogony, the first inhabitants in the world were their very ancestors. The world was created by a Supreme being named Bagatulayan, who lives and rules the celestial realm, directing its activities. Kadaklan is a deity subordinate to Bagatulayan. He is a friendly spirit who teaches the Tinguian how to pray, harvest their crops, ward off evil spirits, and overcome bad omens and cure sicknesses. Apadel or Kalagang, another deity, is known to be the guardian and dweller of the spirit-stones called pinaing which play an important role in the spiritual world of the Tinguian. Of various sizes and shapes, the pinaing are usually found in sports marked out as hallowed ground, often under old trees, and are deemed to be the protectors of such places and of the creatures who live in the forests.
Spirits are of two kinds: the malevolent and the benevolent. One benevolent spirit who dwells in the natural surrounding is Makaboteng ("one who frightens"), believed to be the guardian of the deer and the wild pigs. A key figure in Tinguian mythology is the kumau, a malevolent spirit who can change its appearance at will, taking on the appearance even of the human being it wants to waylay in the forest. For ages, the myth of the kumau appears to have exerted a strong social control effect, analogous to the influence of the granary gods in other Cordillera societies.
There is only one person who has the power and ability to communicate with the sasailo: the alopogan or medium, usually a middle-aged woman. In rituals of communication with the spiritual world, the alopogan undergoes possession by the spirits, who guide and inspire her words and her actions. The alopogan presides in the various rituals and ceremonies held by the Tinguian, such as the say-ang, which is performed in connection with the construction of the balawa, the largest temple dedicated to the sasailo, and built for the supplications of cures in a time of illness. Other rituals in which the alopogan presides are the sugayog, dawak, calangan, and bawbawa or calcapao, which aim to combat the combined workings of evil spirits, as well as to seek the blessings of the benevolent sasailos.

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Visual Arts and Crafts

The first material used by the Tinguian for their clothing was the bark of trees. With the introduction of cloth, Tinguian weavers eventually produced the male suit called the ba-al (clout), worn together with the balibas (woven shirt). On special occasions, a bado (long-sleeved jacket) is also worn with this suit. A traditional headgear made from bamboo with a low dome-shaped top reminiscent of the lowland salakot completed the male costume. The female suit consists of a short-sleeved jacket with a narrow skirt extending from the waist down to the knees, with a girdle attached to a clout in the case of adolescent females (Fortin 1978:13).
Both males and females practise body tattooing. Among women, tattooing of the arms conceals the marks left when they remove the strands of beads covering their arms from elbow to wrist (See logo of this article). The older generation of Tinguian women had themselves tattooed on the arms-from the wrist tot he shoulder-as well as on their faces. They wore several sets of beads: one around their hair, paired with brass earrings, one around their necks, and another around their wrists. Often, another set of beads was slung over the shoulder and went under the armpits (Cabrera 1977:142-143). A piece of jewelry which doubles as a charm to ward off evil spirits is an ornament with an ambiguously-carved animal figure.
The Tinguian are particularly noted for their creative designs in weaving, bead making, basketry, and pottery. They weave their cloth from locally produced material using simple but effective equipment. While the old handheld loom is still used in some places, most of the local weaves now use the modern spinning wheel. The weaves produce the multicolored tapis, aside from other articles of clothing. The balwasi (female blouse) is made from abel (woven cloth). This is basically white, with polychrome stripes at the center. The bankudo or piningitan is a wraparound skirt for women, which is all white except for a red strip at the edges. Another common product of the loom is blankets, which use a wide variety of designs, like male and female figures, flowers and plants, animal motifs including horses, goats, fish. Many of these Tinguian "death blankets," which are considered heirloom pieces, are fast disappearing, snapped up by foreign and local treasure hunters from Tinguian houses.
Motifs, which include animal figures like snakes, lizards and birds, and geometric and floral designs, are incised on bamboo instruments and wooden pipes. Tinguian pottery, on the other hand, is decorated with scroll-like designs. Another craft for which the Tinguian are noted is beadwork. Heirloom beads, many of them remnants of an ancient trade, are usually strung with other local beads to create a fascinating variety of combination and patterns. Baskets are used for storing food, carrying crops, bringing trade products to the lowland areas, and similar purposes. These are seldom adorned with decorative motifs.

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Literary Arts

The oral traditions of the Tinguian were first gathered by Cole (1915). The long narratives recorded appear to be chanted epics, recounting the exploits of characters to a supernatural world. Tinguian mythology contains a host of characters who play out the relationships between the sky dwellers and the mortals on earth. One story relates how the beautiful maiden Apo-ni-Bulinayen "was pulled up by a vine that curled mysteriously around her body and deposited her in the yard of the sun god" (Demetrio 1991:62). Another story relates how the star maiden Gaygayoma lowered a basket from her celestial abode for the earth dweller Apo-ni-Tolau to ride up to heaven, where the two eventually married, while the man's wife was left on earth.
The story of the great flood, like the origin myth, is a basic motif in oral tradition. The Tinguian have their own version of the flood, which in this case also functions as a myth of the origin of human beings. It is said that one day, the god-hero and Tinguian warrior Apo-ni-Tolau went down to the lowlands until he reached the sea. Fascinated by the vast waters, he built himself a raft made of rattan, and rowed out until he reached the edge of the world where the sea and sky met. There he saw a towering rock, which was the place of the sea-god, Tau-mari-u. The place was guarded by nine beautiful women who were the daugters of the seaweeds. Angered by the playfulness of the maidens who lured him into the sea-god's place, the Tinguian warrior threw his magic hook and caught the youngest and loveliest maiden, whose name was Humitau. The woman screamed and struggled until she was weakened by the hook's magic oil. Apo-ni-Tolau carried her to his raft, then escaped. Hearing the abduction, Tau-mari-u was enraged, and called right away for the waves and the tunas to rescue Humitau from the brash Tinguian. Apo-ni-Tolau cried out for help to his mother, Lang-an of Kadalayapan, the lady of the wind and rain. The goddess sent down strong winds to hurl back the waves and the tunas of Tau-mari-u, and pull her son's raft ashore. Angrier now, Tau-mari-u called a meeting of the gods and spirit of the seas and the oceans, and they all agreed to punish the land dwellers for what the Tinguian god had done. Learning of the plan, Lang-an instructed her son to go up the highest mountain in the Cordillera with his household, to escape the great flood that was soon to come. And when it came, the flood filled up the valleys and plains, destroying crops and killing work animals. Then the floodwater surged up the mountain where Apo-ni-Tolau, his wife Humitau, who had lost her powers as a sea diwata (spirit) because she tasted her husband's mountain food, cried out to Tau-mari-u. Despite his anger, the lord of the sea took pity upon his favorite Humitau, and called back the floodwaters. But he vowed that thenceforth, he would sink boats and drown people in retribution for what Apo-ni-Tolau had done. After the deluge, Apo-ni-Tolau and Humitau came down the mountain, and had children who were to become the first people of the world (Eugenio 1989:248).
Kanag Kababagowan is an Itneg epic chanted in the rice fields during harvest time, to provide respite from the monotony of work. It is also recited by a fire or a hearth to entertain the weavers, the makers of rope, or the shell polishers who make cups and bowls. The epic recounts the life and times of Apo-ni-Tolau, Apo-ni-Bulinayen, and their son Kanag. It is an extended narrative of events woven around the exploits and tribulations of heroes and heroines in Kadalayapan and Kaodanan. These are called collectively "the stories of the first times," and are actually made up of several stories which may be related separately, depending on the storyteller. The epic of Kanag Kababawogan features an assortment of mythical creatures; spirit-birds; spirit-helpers (or guardian spirits); the alan, a treelike man who waylays hunters in the mountains of Matawetawen; banaw-es, alikadkad, or dagimuano, magical betel nuts and perfumes which can revive the beheaded (like Kanag); a 10-headed giant who builds his roof from the hair of his victims; and a rooster who rides a burial raft on the river, announcing to all the identity of the dead person.

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Performing Arts

Tinguian music has been described as a "total experience" shared by the whole community, and is an activity of communal life associated with the rituals of life and death. This music is "characterized by ancient elements: recurring rhythmic patterns, continual repetitions, formula opening and closing phrases, and the modest use of four or five tones repeated in sequences within the narrow span of an octave" (Samonte-Madrid 1977:438).
The Tinguian have many types of musical instruments, as well as songs, which are shared with neighboring Cordillera groups, particularly the Kankanay, Kalinga, and Bontoc. As in any indigenous setting, there is often an integral and harmonious performance of instrumental music, song, dance, and ritual of a participatory nature. Thus, the gangsa is played, the tadek or the da-eng is danced, and the salidummay is sung during the celebration of a lay-og (death anniversary), a bagongong (wake for the departed), or a polya (wedding feast).
The Tinguian have a wide array of musical instruments. The gangsa is a gong made of brass and iron. It is flat and varies in size, the smallest being 30 cm in diameter, and the largest measuring 40 cm. The rim is about 1.7 cm thick. Like the gongs of the other Cordillera groups, and unlike those of Mindanao, the Tinguian gangsa has no central boss or incised surface decorative motifs.

  VILLAGE DANCE. Tinguian dances are performed today in a variety of costumes during ceremonial occasions. (Episcopal Commission on Tribal Filipinos Collection)
    Gangsa playing is basically a rhythmic ensemble performance. There are different ways of playing the flat gongs, using hand, sticks, or a combination of hands and sticks. There are at least three styles of ensemble playing, heard especially during festive celebrations. These are suklit (sinuklit), palluuk (pinalookan), and pinallaiyan (inilaud).
In gangsa suklit, the ensemble consists of a set of five to six flat gongs of graduated sizes laid on the laps of male performers who use their open palms to sound the instruments. The gongs have specific names, and they have interlocking patterns of play to produce the rhythmic pattern. The first and lowest-pitched gong is the balbal or barbar, followed by the kadwa, the katlo, the kapat, the pokpok (which plays a staccato sound at regular beats); the sixth and highest-pitched gong is the balwawi, which creates varied patterns in relation to the resultant melodies produced by the lower gongs. This particular flat gong accompanies dances which all fall under the tadek type.
The second flat gong ensemble is the gangsa palluuk, in which all the gongs are struck with sticks on either the inner or outer space. The gangsa palluuk consists of five or as many gongs as are available. This is played by men who dance as they strike their gongs, and who are then joined by a group of women dancers.
The third Tinguian ensemble is the pinallaiyan or inilaud, which consists of three to four flat gongs and a cylindrical double-headed drum called tambol. The name pinallaiyan is said to refer to the gong-drum ensemble in Abra's western highland areas, while the inilaud, taken from the word lagud meaning "west," is used in the ensemble playing of the western and lowland areas of the province. The technique of sounding the gongs in pinallaiyan combines the use of hands and sticks. The names of the four gongs with their respective playing techniques are talukatik, a gong laid on the ground and struck with two sticks; pawwek, a gong held by its string in a vertical position with the lower rim sitting on the ground and struck with one stick on the inside; bugalu, a gong held on the ground and struck with a stick in one hand; and the fourth and largest is the kib-ung which rests on the player's arm and is beaten on its surface with an open palm. The ensemble's drum or tambol (from the Spanish tambor, "drum") is played with two sticks which strike only one of the two drumheads.
Tinguian flat gong music is often simulated on a bamboo tube zither called kulitteng (kuriteng, kulitong) with four to six strings lifted up from the instrument's hard bamboo skin. One particular way of playing the tube zither combines the plucking of strings with the fingers of one hand, and striking one or two strings with a stick held by the other hand. Another Tinguian technique is for two performers to play the tube zither, with one player plucking the strings using both hands, and the other player holding the opposite end of the bamboo tube while knocking on the tube's body with the knuckles of one hand, in prescribed rhythmic patterns. The third style of playing the kulitteng is by simply plucking the strings with both hands, a style found as well among the neighboring Bontoc and Kalinga.
The patpattong, a leg xylophone composed of five bamboo blades of graduated sizes and played solo by children using two sticks, is another instrument that simulates the flat gong. Other types of ensembles performed by the Tinguian consist of groups of bamboo instruments such as the patangguk (quill-shaped tubes), played during the forging of peace pacts; tongatong (stamping tubes) commonly used in most rituals; and the bilbil or balingbing (bamboo buzzers) which are played to assuage feelings of sadness.
The saysay-up ensemble consists of six bamboo pipes. The lowest-pitched pipe is called a balbal. The specific names of the other pipes correspond to their pitch and position in the ensemble, namely, makadwa (second pipe), makatlo (third pipe), kapat (fourth pipe), lima (fifth pipe), and anem (sixth pipe).
Serenading and courtship are the usual occasions for bringing out the solo aerophones played by Tinguian men. These are the paldong or palpadeng (mouth flute with notch) and the kulaleng (nose flute). On the other hand, the duwas or diwdiw-as (pan pipe) is normally played by women, usually at night, when its soft plaintive sounds travel far. This instrument consists of 6 to 7 open bamboo tubes, of varying lengths and diameters, lashed together.
The Tinguian also have the jew's harp made of bamboo, which is called ullibaw or kolibaw. The one made of metal is called agiweng, while the other type made of brass is called kalibu. Traditionally played by hunters, the mouth harp is believed to induce the pittogo birds to excite wild pigs and deer so that they might move through the forest, thus making them easier to trap. A functionally related instrument is the tabangkaw (musical mouth bow) which is played to call upon the spirit Kabunyan to help the men stage a good hunt. The Tinguian also play a violin made of bamboo or wood. This is the labil or nabil, which has three or four metal strings, which are bowed with a goged. It is played on various occasions for entertainment, and has a repertoire which includes instrumental renditions of vocal music.
Tinguian songs are generally of two kinds: declamatory songs and "known" songs. The declamatory songs include balayugos, ngayowek, and oggayam, which are all improvised songs of welcome and farewell, or songs which have something to teach. They differ only in their tonal range, melodic ornamentation, and verse form. The ngayowek are closest to free verse. In singing, the performer's voice follows as closely as possible the inflections of regular speech. The balayugos is a declamatory song for dignitaries or those of distinguished status. Like the ngayowek, it is more condensed than ordinary speech, not repetitious but very oratorical. These songs are suited for men's voices. On the other hand, the oggayam is the most commonly used, being the most familiar to other groups. It has a wider melodic range. The rime scheme is free verse, with a preponderant use of the terminals am, em, en, an.
  NOSE FLUTE. The nose flute called kulaleng is played by Tinguian males during courtship, as do their neighbors in the Cordillera. (Cole 1915, National Library Collection)
  RICE POUNDING. In many cultures as among the Tinguian, a daily chore can become a ceremonial ritual with chant and dance movements. Ca 1920. (Field Museum of Natural History, GCF Books Collection)
    In the "known" songs, the same words are sung repeatedly. The most popular are the many variations of the salidummay. There is no fixed meaning recognizable in the word, which occurs in the refrain "ay, ay salidummay, salidummay diway." This follows a two-line "thought grouping" in which a statement is made. The salidummay is the most adaptable of all Tinguian songs and is sung in various occasions: in welcoming a visitor, in weddings, funeral wakes, and just about any social gathering. It can be used for just about any kind of adaptation of poems, stories, actual events, whether serious or humorous. One person's (or area's) salidummay may be different in melody and text from the next one. Apart from the salidummay, there are also the old "ceremonial songs' such as the daeng, dal-leng, dango, diwas, dain, which have been described as "snatches of remembered phrases."
Pfeiffer (1975:19-23) has described various Tinguian songs which are performed in a variety of occasions. The naktagad sit suwakok is a song that is meant simply for enjoyment. It tells of a man who has lost his pipe, which is sufficient to provoke him to battle.
The alba-ab is a dirge sung during the period following death and burial. The am-maga is sung during wakes for the dead by both men and women to keep the watchers awake throughout their long vigil. A leader sings the song, and he/she is then followed in the singing by another person appointed from among the group of watchers. A person who commits an error in singing his/her part is fined by being made to drink more basi or a shellful or water. This song calls for skills in extemporaneous delivery. The palpalobos (farewell) is a dirge sung just before a burial. After the dead person is seated on the ceremonial chair, and placed outside the house, the palpalobos is sung by representatives of the widow or the widower and the children.
The dalleng is a general song which is usually sung in practically all Tinguian ceremonies except before a burial. It is sung, for instance, during the agto or fertility ceremony for a young wife when the spirits are asked to bestow fertility upon the woman.
The buddo-buddo is a chantlike lullaby using s popular Itneg folktale. The buddo-buddo is a furry worm resembling a centipede. In the song, it represents an orphan who goes from house to house, and asks for milk and food. The orphan is refused each time. Then she is found by Buaya, the crocodile. Taking pity on her, Buaya accompanies the orphan to every house, and introduces himself by singing the words "Saken si Buddo-buddo, innak makisussuso." (I am Buddo-buddo, and I have come to suck milk.) The song has a simple melody, is sung very slowly in a pure falsetto, and is meant to lull the baby to sleep.
The tikgi is another popular song based on a folktale. The tikgi is a king of bird. The story says that her parents left Tikgi, so she wonders off looking for them. She chants the line "Tikgi, Tikgi alawlawagi, ay wada's ama ken ina'ssa?" (Tikgi, Tikgi, the carpenter's daughter, can my father and mother be there?) Like the buddo-buddo, whose storyline is similar, the tikgi is sung quietly.
The oggayam is a song for almost all kinds of occasions. Like the salidummay, the text calls for extemporaneous creation, and is sung in a rhythmic and riming pattern. One particular oggayam is sung during the ceremony variously called lay-og, dalos or wacsi (cleansing or casting away), which is held one year after a person's death, when the living are supposed to "cleanse" themselves of sorrow.
Among the most popular of Tinguian songs are the rice-pounding songs. Ceremonial occasions such as wedding, funerals, and anniversaries require that rice be pounded until they are well polished. The rice pounders, commonly women and young maids, sing these songs in rhythm to the pounding of rice.
Here is a rice-pounding song for wedding:

Imma isa-a-isa (2x)
Manbayo cad si Angtan
Gumas su gasuwi dan
Imma isa-a-isa (2x)
Sakon kad did manbayo
Isalsalong giekco
Imma isa-a-isa
(The song is repeated six times)

Imma one after the other (2x)
Angtan will do the pounding
The pestle will rock
Imma one after the other (2x)
If I be the one to pound
My life would be in danger.
Imma one after the other.

This is a rice-pounding song for funerals:

Imma isa-a-isa
Manbayo wak si pagay
Imma isa-a-isa
Kannen kan dat babaknang
Imma isa-a-isa
Babaknang si pagay
Imma isa-a-isa
Manbayo wak si pagay
Imma isa-a-isa
Kannen kan dat babaknang
Imma isa-a-isa

Imma one after the other
I will pound rice
Imma one after the other
To be eaten by the rich
Imma one after the other
The rice is rich
Imma one after the other
I will pound the rice
Imma one after the other
To be eaten by the rich
Imma one after the other

Tinguian dances are performed in a variety of ceremonial occasions (Reyes-Urtula 1981). The idudo is a dance of thanksgiving after the planting of the first rice grains or after the harvest of the last crop. As the pig is butchered, the tapuy (rice wine) is brought out, the gongs and drums are played and the dancing begins. Dancers in their festive costumes take to the dancing ground in the middle of the village. Many dances are performed in this feast, but the idudo (which means "lullaby") is probably the most performed. It shows the respective roles of the Tinguian couple in the cycle of production: the mother clears the field, pounds and cleans the grains, while the father rocks his baby to sleep with a lullaby as he smokes. Other fathers have their babies in their arms.
The pal-look is a dance of the people living in the northern and eastern districts of Abra. It is done to gangsa music and performed on all festive occasions, but especially in welcoming guests to the village.
The uwawi is performed to the music of the uwawi (lullaby), which is similar to the idudo. It depicts Tinguian parents taking turns in minding the baby while they undertake chores like pounding and winnowing rice.
The sakyat is a dance usually performed by rich and prominent families who wish to enhance and preserve their high social status in the Tinguian community. The mandadawak (shaman) summons the spirits by striking the old plate called panay. A religious structure called the ap-appyag has been set up in the yard. Five different bamboo instruments are played (the ensemble is called awong kawayan), while four dancers dance the tadek around the ap-appyag. Flutes and gangsas may also be used instead of the bamboo instruments.
The esek is a dance accompanied by singing. The lyrics of the song describe how people plant corn (i.e., mag-esek) when the rains come. The lyrics are of the salidummay type; the tune provides the rhythm for the dance. The salidummay is either sung by the dancers themselves, or by a group of singers accompanying the performers. Two musical instruments help the dancers and the singers along: an iron rod and triangle, and a caralat, a bamboo instrument that produces a crackling sound.
The tadek is danced during religious occasions, such as the lay-og which ends the period of mourning for the dead. The da-eng, on the other hand, is a ceremonial dance performed at nighttime to the accompaniment of chants by the participants. 

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