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by: Faye Velasco
"Tausug" derives from tau meaning "man" and sug meaning "current," and translates into "people of the current." It refers to the majority Islamized group in the Sulu archipelago, their language, and culture. The Tausug, numbering around 502,918 (NCCP--PACT) in 1988 are predominant in the northern part of Sulu province, i.e., Jolo Island and the neighboring islands of Pata, Marunggas, Tapul, and Lugus, and to a lesser extent in Siasi and Pangutaran (Arce 1963:3). The province of Sulu derives its name from "sulug" or "sug" which in Tausug means "ocean current," while Sulu's capital Jolo is the Spanish corruption of Sulu.
The Sulu archipelago, measuring 2699 sqkm, com-prise some 2600 islands and islets at the southernmost tip of the Philippines. These islands and islets are grouped into seven: Jolo, Tawi-Tawi, Samales, Tapul, Pangutaran, Sibutu, and Cagayan de Sulu. The climate is warm and humid throughout the year, and is conducive to various agricultural pursuits. Jolo, the capital and main island group, is mountainous and of volcanic origin. Standing 870 m above sea level, Mt Tumantangis is the highest mountain in the island group. Other mountains in Jolo are Mt Sinumaan, 830 m, Mt Daho, 705 m, and Mt Bagsak, 680 m (Orosa 1970:1-3; Haylaya 1980:7-8).
The Tausug speak bahasa sug, a Malayo-Polynesian language related to the Visayan variety spoken in Surigao, and write in a Malayo-Arabic script known as jawi or sulat sug. Other ethnolinguistic groups in Sulu include the Samal/Sama, the Yakan, the Badjao, and the Jama Mapun.

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The history of Sulu begins with Makdum, a Mus-lim missionary, who arrived in Sulu in 1380. He intro-duced the Islamic faith and settled in Sibutu until his death. The mosque at Tubig-Indangan which he built still stands, albeit in ruins. In 1390 Raja Baguinda land-ed at Buansa and extended the missionary work of Makdum. The Muslim Arabian scholar Abu Bakr ar-rived in 1450, married Baguinda's daughter, and after Baguinda's death, became sultan, thereby introducing the sultanate as a political system. Political districts were created in Parang, Pansul, Lati, Gitung, and Lu-uk, each -headed by a panglima or district leader. After Abu Bakr's death, the sultanate system had already become well established in Sulu. Before the coming of the Spaniards, the ethnic groups in Sulu-the Tausug, Samal, Yakan, and Badjao-were in varying degrees united under the Sulu sultanate, considered the most centralized -political system in the Philippines (Orosa 1970:20-21).
With the arrival of the Spaniards came successive expeditions to conquer the Muslim groups in the south. Called the "Moro Wars," these battles were waged intermittently from 1578 till 1898 between the Spanish colonial government and the Muslims of Mindanao. In 1578 an expedition sent by Gov Francisco de Sande and headed by Capt Rodriguez de Figueroa began the 300-year warfare between the Tausug and the Spanish authorities. In 1579 the Spanish government gave de Figueroa the sole right to colonize Mindanao. He was killed in an ambush, and his troops retreated to an anchorage near Zamboanga. In retaliation, the Muslims raided Visayan towns in Panay, Negros, and Cebu. These were repulsed by Spanish and Visayan forces (Angeles 1974:27-28; Saber 1976:13; Orosa 1970:21).
In the early 17th century, the largest alliance composed of the Maranao, Maguindanao, Tausug, other Muslim groups was formed by Sultan Kudarat or Cachil Corralat of Maguindanao, whose domain extended from the Davao Gulf to Dapitan on the Zamboanga peninsula. Several expeditions sent by the Spanish authorities suffered defeat. In 1635 Capt Juan de Chaves occupied Zamboanga and erected a fort. This led to the defeat of Kudarat's feared admiral, Datu Tagal, who had raided pueblos in the Visayas. In 1637, Gov Gen Hurtado de Corcuera personally led an expedition against Kudarat, and triumphed over his forces at Lamitan and Ilian. On 1 Jan 1638, de Corcuera with 80 vessels and 2000 soldiers, defeated the Tausug and occupied Jolo. A peace treaty was forged. The victory did not establish Spanish sovereignty over Sulu, as the Tausug abrogated the treaty as soon Spaniards left in 1646 (Miravite 1976:40; Angeles 1974:28; Saber 1975:23; Orosa 1970:22).
In 1737 Sultan Alimud Din I entered into a "perma-nent" peace treaty with Gov Gen F. Valdes y Tamon; and in 1746, befriended the Jesuits sent to Jolo by King Philip V. In 1748 he was forcibly removed by the forces of Bantilan, son of an earlier sultan. Alimud Din was charged as being "too friendly" with the Christians, whereupon he left for Manila in 1749. He was received well by Gov Gen Arrechderra and was baptized on 29 Apr 1750. He was humiliated in 1753, when after being reinstated as sultan, he was arrested on his way back to Sulu, under the orders of Gov Gen Zacarias. The Tausug retaliated by raiding northern coasts. In 1763 he was released by the British forces which had occupied Manila. He returned to Sulu as sultan, and in 1769, ordered the invasion of Manila Bay (Orosa 1970:22-25).
The Sulu sultanate declined after 1848 when the colonial authorities began the use of steamboats. Pira-cy was effectively halted, and in 1851, Gen Urbiztondo led an expedition that defeated the Tausug. But Sulu was only occupied and made into a protectorate in 1876 when Gov Gen Malcampo, using naval artillery, succeeded in destroying the kota (fort) of Jolo, and prevented the smuggle of ammunition to the besieged forces. A garrison was set up in Jolo commanded by Capt P. Cervera. Tausug attempts to recover the city were not successful. In 1893, amid succession con-troversies, Amirnul Kiram became Sultan Jamalul Kiram II, the title being officially recognized by the Spanish authorities. In 1899, after the defeat of Spain in the Spanish-American War, Col Luis Huerta, the last governor of Sulu, relinquished his garrison to the Americans (Orosa 1970:25-30).
During the Philippine-American War, the Amer-icans adopted a policy of noninterference in the Mus-lim areas, as spelled out in the Bates Agreement of 1899 signed by Brig Gen John Bates and Sultan Jamalul Kiram II of Jolo. The agreement was a mutual nonag-gression pact which obligated the Americans to recog-nize the authority of the sultan and other chiefs, who, in turn, agreed to fight piracy and crimes against non-Christians. However, the Muslims did not know that the Treaty of Paris, which had ceded the Philippine archipelago to the Americans, included their land as well. The idea that they were part of the Philippines had never occurred to them until then. Although the Bates Agreement had "pacified," to a certain extent, the Sulu sultanate, resistance continued. In 1901, panglima (district chief) Hassan and his followers fought the Americans, believing that acceptance of American sovereignty would affect his own authority (Che Man l990:46-47)
After the Philippine-American War, the Americans established direct rule over the newly formed "Moro province," which consisted of five districts-Zamboanga, Lanao, Cotabato, Davao, and Sulu. Political, social, and economic changes were introduced. These included the creation of provincial and district institutions; the introduction of the public school system and American-inspired judicial system the imposition of the cedula or head tax; the migration of Christians to Muslim lands encouraged by the colonial government; and the abolition of slavery. These and other factors contributed to Muslim resistance that took 10 years "to pacify" (Che Man 1990: 23, 47-48).
The Department of Mindanao and Sulu replaced the Moro province on 15 Dec 1913. A "policy of attraction" was introduced, ushering in reforms to encourage Muslim integration into Philippine society. In 1916, after the passage of the Jones Law, which transferred legislative power to a Philippine Senate and House of Representatives, polygyny was made illegal. Provisions were made, however, to allow Muslims time to comply with the new restrictions. "Proxy colonialism" was legalized by the Public Land Act of 1919, invalidating Muslim pusaka (inherited property) laws. The act also granted the state the right to confer land ownership. It was thought that the Muslims would "learn" from the "more advanced" Christianized Filipinos, and would integrate more easily into mainstream Philippine society (Che Man 1990: 20-24, 51-52; Isidro 1976:64-65).
In February 1920 the Philippine Senate and House of Representatives passed Act No 2878, which abolished the Department of Mindanao and Sulu and transferred its responsibilities to the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes under the Department of the Interior. Muslim dissatisfaction grew as power shifted to the Christianized Filipinos. Petitions were sent by Muslim leaders between 1921 and 1924 requesting that Mindanao and Sulu be administered directly by the United States. These petitions were not granted (Che Man 1990:52-53).
Realizing the futility of armed resistance, some Muslims sought to make the best of the situation. In 1934, Arolas Tulawi of Sulu, Datu Manandang Piang and Datu Blah Sinsuat of Cotabato, and Sultan Alaoya Alonto of Lanao were elected to the 1935 Constitutional Convention. In 1935 two Muslims were elected to the National Assembly.
The Commonwealth years sought to end the privileges the Muslims had been enjoying under the earlier American administration. Muslim exemptions from some national laws, as expressed in the administrative code for Mindanao, and the Muslim right to use their traditional Islamic courts, as expressed in the Moro Board, were ended. The Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes was replaced by the Office of Commissioner for Minda-nao and Sulu, whose main objective was to tap the full economic potentials of Mindanao not for the Muslims but the Commonwealth. These "development" efforts resulted in discontent (Che Man 1990:55-56).
The Muslims are generally adverse to anything that threatens Islam and their way of life. Che Man (1990: 56) believes that they were neither anti-American nor anti-Filipino, but simply against any form of foreign encroachment into their traditional way of life. During WWII, the Muslims in general supported the fight against the Japanese, who were less tolerant and harsher to them.
After independence, efforts to integrate the Musl-ims into the new political order met with stiff resistance. It was unlikely that the Muslims, who have had a cultural history as Muslims than the Filipinos as Christians, would surrender their identity. In 1951, Kamlun, a devout and wealthy native of Tandu Pa-nuan, took up arms against the government for a num-ber of reasons. For one, he was not on good with other local leaders, some of whom he killed. There were also problems with land titling which Kamlun refused to undertake since to him ownership of land is not evident by means of piece of paper. Fearing government -persecution, he went to the hills. In July 1952, the first negotiation for surrender was held between Alibon, Kamlun's brother, and Secretary of Defense Ramon Magsaysay. However, a week later, Kamlun resumed his fight, accusing the government of bad faith. "Operation Durian" was launched to capture him. He surrendered on 10 Nov 1952, but on 2 December, was granted parole. In 1953 he went back to the hills until his surrender on 24 Sept 1955. On "death row," he was finally pardoned by Pres Marcos on 11 Sept 1968 (Che Man 1990:56-62; Tan 1977:114-417).
The conflict between Muslims and Christian Filipi-nos was exacerbated in 1965 with the "Jabidah Mas-sacre," in which Muslim soldiers were allegedly elim-inated because they refused to invade Sabah. This incident contributed to the rise of various separatist movements-the Muslim Independence Movement (MIM), Ansar El-Islam, and Union of Islamic Forces and Organizations (Che Man 1990:74-75).
In 1969 the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) was founded on the concept of a Bangsa Moro Republic by a group of educated young Muslims. The leader of this group, Nur Misuari, regarded the earlier movements as feudal and oppressive, and employed a Marxist framework to analyze the Muslim condition and the general Philippine situation. Except for a brief show of unity during the pre-Martial Law years, the new movement suffered internal disunity (Tan 1977:118-122; Che Man 1990:77-78).
In 1976, negotiations between the Philippine gov-ernment and the MNLF in Tripoli resulted in the Tri-poli Agreement, which provided for an autonomous region in Mindanao. Negotiations resumed in 1977, and the following points were agreed upon: the proclamation of a Presidential Decree creating autonomy in 13 provinces; the creation of a provisional government; and the holding of a referendum in the autonomous areas to determine the administration of the govern-ment. Nur Misuari was invited to chair the provisional government but he refused. The referendum was boycotted by the Muslims themselves. The talks col-lapsed, and fighting continued (Che Man 1990:146-147).
When Corazon C. Aquino became president, a new constitution, which provided for the creation of autonomous regions in Mindanao and the Cordilleras, was ratified. On 1 Aug 1989, Republic Act 673 or the Organic Act for Mindanao created the Autonomous Region of Mindanao, which encompasses Maguinda-nao, Lanao del Sur, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi.

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Religious Beliefs and Practices

The Tausug follow standard Islamic beliefs and practices. The Quran is considered by all Muslims as the words of Allah (God), revealed to the prophet Muhammad through archangel Gabriel, and as the source of all Islamic Law, principles and values. Aside from the Quran and the Sunnah and Haddith (literally, "a way, rule, or manner of acting"), other Islamic sources of law include Ijtihad (independent judgment) and Qiyas (analogy). The Five Pillars of Islam are dec-laration of beheb in the oneness of God and the prophethood of Muhammad and the four obligations of praying, almsgiving, fasting, and pilgrimage to Mecca at least once in one's lifetime.
Classical Muslim Jurists divided the world into Dar-al-Islam (Land of Islam) or those territories where the Law of Islam prevails; Dar-al-Harb (Land of War) which includes those countries where Muslim Law is not in force; Dar-al-Ahd (Land of the Covenant) consi-dered as a temporary and often intermediate territory between Dar-al-Islam and Dar-al-Harb; and Dar-al-Sulk (House of Truce), territories not conquered by -Muslim troops, where peace is attained by the payment of tribute which guarantees a truce or armistice.
A concept often misunderstood is parang sabil or holy war, which later developed into "ritual suicide." The term derives from the Malay words perang meaning "war" and sabil, from the Arabic "fi sabil Allah meaning "in the path of God." It refers to a jihad (holy war) against those who threaten the sanctity of Islam. It is resorted to when all forms of organized resistance fail. Those who die in the struggle are pronounced shahid (martyrs) and automatically gain a place sulga (heaven). Failing to understand this religious dimension, the Spaniards and the Americans have reduced the concept into a psychological disorder, have referred to the shahid as juramentados and amock, respectively.
Indigenous beliefs persist. Aside from Allah or Tuhan, the Tausug are also concerned with spirits inhabit nature, especially rocks and trees, and who are believed to be the cause of human suffering. Among these are the saytan (evil spirits) and jinn (unseen creatures). Some saytan have names, like the balbalan (manananggal), a flying creature which enjoys the liver of corpses. The Christian devil finds its counterpart in iblis, who tempts people into evil. The Tausug also believe in the four composites of the human soul: the transcendental soul, the life-soul associated with the blood, the breath or life essence, and the spirit-soul who travels during dreams and who causes the -shadow. The Tausug concept of religious merit also differs from that of the orthodox Muslims. Unjustified killing transfers the merits of the offender to the victim, and the demerits of the victim to the offender. The terms sulga (heaven) and narka (hell) do not denote places but states-of-being, and are interchangeable with the concepts of karayawan (state of goodness) and kasiksaan (state of suffering), respectively (Kiefer 1972a:112-114, 128-130).
Indigenous healing practices are assumed by the mangugubat (curer) who have direct access to the spirit world. They are not considered religious officials, as in the case of the agama (religious) priests, although their services are utilized when certain spirits need to be appeased. However, an illness that has been suc-cessfully diagnosed is not attributed to supernatural causes. Native medicine include raw squash mixed with coconut milk for meningitis, egg white applied topically on and for burns, lagundi leaves for malaria, and others. Traditional practices which were "medi-cal" in intent included the sacrifice of a hen near a balete tree. Incantations were said and a rooster was set free near the same tree. The object was to soothe the anger of the saytan believed to be the cause of the illness (Kiefer 1972a:114-115; Orosa 1970:106-107).

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Visual Arts and Crafts

Tausug visual arts are represented by carvings, metalworks, woodworks, tapestry and embroidery, mat making and basketry, textile and fashion, pottery, and other minor arts (Szanton 1963). In general, Tausug visual arts follow the Islamic prohibition of representing human or animal forms. Consequently, Mindanao and Sulu have developed ukkil or abstract motifs which are carved, printed, or painted into various media. These motifs are suggestive of leaves, vines, flowers, fruits, and various geometric shapes.
Tausug carving is best exemplified by the sunduk or grave marker. Although not as stylized as those of the Samal, the Tausug sunduk are wood or stone carv-ings of geometric or floral forms. Women's grave mark-ers are flatter with carved geometric designs, those of the men are more floral. Sakayan or outriggers present yet another media for Tausug carving. Adornments are usually made on the prow and sometimes on the sambili or strips across the hull. The carvings are done either on the boat itself, or on a separate piece of wood which is then attached to the vessel. Abstract manok-manok (bird) motifs are the most common. Ajong-ajong/sula-sula are carved tips supporting the wrapped sail; the hidjuk (dark cord) on the sangpad (prow-plate) also serve as decoration. Carved saam or cross--pieces supporting the outriggers are called the mata (eyes) of the boat. Colors used on the finished carvings are yellow, red, green, white, and blue (Szanton 1973:33-47).
Tausug mananasal or blacksmiths produce bolo, kalis, and barong (bladed weapons). Fishing implem-ents are also made, such as the sangkil (single-po-inted spear) and the sapang (three-pronged spear). The more expensively fashioned blades have floral and geometric incisions; the ganja or metal strips which lock the handle and the blade are a decorative as well a functional device. Bronze casting is not as well developed as it is in Lanao. Among the several func-tional pieces produced were the batunjang (standing trays) and the talam (flat trays). Gold and silver-smithing for jewelry remain lucrative. Items produced by the local goldsmith include the singsing (ring), gallang (bracelet), gantung liug (necklace), bang (stud earring), aritis (dangling earring), pin (brooch), and gold teeth. In the past, tambuku (buttons) made of gold or silver decorated the traditional male and female costumes and were made with exquisite de-signs, often inlaid with palmata (semiprecious stones or gems). Among the favorite palmata are mussah (pearl), intan (diamond), kumalah (ruby) (Szanton 1973:47-51; Amilbangsa 1983:142-157).
An example of Tausug woodwork is the puhan (wooden handle) of bladed weapons which may be simple or decorated with gold or silver wires, strings, and rings. For the barong, the handle is wrapped in cord and metal at the far end, and carved and polished at the upper part. At the end of the grip is a protrusion carved with ukkil designs. The handle of the kalis, which the Tausug terms as daganan kalis, can also be profusely decorated, sometimes with mother-of-pearl. Taguban (scabbards) are beautifully carved and are covered with budbud (fine rattan). Other woodworks include kitchen utensils and furniture items like beds, chests, and wardrobes (Szanton 1973:51-54).
There are two types of tapestries that the Tausug use to hang as house decoration: the luhul or canopy that hangs from the ceiling, and the kikitil/buras or wall tapestry. The ukkil design used for both is first traced on a starched white cloth which is then cut and sewn over a red, green, yellow, or blue background material. The ukkil design of the luhul, for example, is in the form of a tree with spreading leaves, vines, flowers, and branches. About 1 m wide, the kikitil is a smaller version of the luhul and is hung on the wall. The size of the room determines the length of the kikitil which is divided into various units correspond-ing to individualized panels. The ukkil design may be similar in all units.
Embroidery, another Tausug visual art form, is used to ornament table cloth, pillow cases, bed spreads, and the habul tiyahian (embroidered tube). The brightest silk thread is often used for the habul to underscore the design, which follows the ukkil pattern.
Used as bedding or underbedding, baluy or mats are usually made from pandanus. Double layering pro-vides decoration and color; a simple base mat is sewn under a colored panel which has been dyed with one or more colors. The designs the Tausug usually adopt are the geometric patterns found on the pis siabit (male headgear) or the plaid known as baluy palang. Mat designs are memorized and passed on to the next generation.
The Tausug male hat is made by weaving nito with bamboo strips over nipa leaves. Thus it is three-layered and woven in a sawali pattern. Structure and form are provided by the nipa leaves and the light bamboo frame, while texture and feel are supplied by the nito strips. The open-weave layer assures ventila-tion inside. Another example of Tausug basketry is the small nito container, 18-20 cm in diameter, used either as a coin or as a personal basket. If used as a personal basket, it comes with cover and handle. As a coin basket, it is supplied with a loop to allow it to be carried on a finger. A slit serves as the coin slot. Aniline dyes-magenta, blue, violet, and green-color the nito strips (Lane 1986:193-194).
Hablun or textile weaving is another well-known art form among the Tausug. The most popular woven material is the pis siabit or male headgear, which is about 1 sqm in size and distinct for its geometric de-signs. Because of its intricacy, one pis takes about three to four weeks of work. Only women weave the pis and other materials such as the kambut (sash) and kandit (loincloth and sash), which unfortunately have completely disappeared (Szanton 1973:6.4-65).
The female biyatawi is a blouse made of plain material like satin and is ornamented with tambuku (gold or silver buttons) on the breast, shoulders, and cuffs. It is usually worn with sawwal (loose trousers) of silk or brocade. A habul tiyahian is either slung across the shoulder or allowed to hang on one arm (Amilbangsa 1983:76-113).
The patadjung is an all-purpose skirt worn by both men and women. It has various other uses: as a turung or headcover, sash or waistband, blanket, ham-mock, and others. Resembling a big pillow case, the cloth for a patadjung has designs which are variously inspired: batik prints from Indonesia and Malaysia, checks and stripes from India, dunggala or stylized geometrical and floral patterns from Sarawak, Indone-sia, or Malaysia, calligraphic motifs from the Middle East (Amilbangsa 1983:82).
Tausug men wear the sawwal kuput or sawwal kantiyu (tight and loose trousers respectively), and match this with the badju lapi, a collarless short-tailored jacket similar to the biyatawi. The sleeves of the badju lapi are either long or "three-fourth's" with slits at the wrists. The badju lapi is likewise ornamented with tambuku on the breast, shoulders, and cuffs. The legs of the sawwal kaput are skin-tight down to the ankles, and have 22.5 cm slits on each side, which are also decorated with buttons. A kandit (handwoven or embroidered sash) tied around the waist serves to keep the sawwal kuput in place. A pis siabit is either tied around the head or left to hang on the shoulder (Amilbangsa 1983:114-130).
Function and simplicity define Tausug pottery. Decorations are limited to simple geometric lines as the emphasis has always been on the quantity not quality of the product. Examples include pots, vases, jugs, and various pieces of kitchenware (Szanton 1973: 61-63).
Tutup or plate covers are made by Tausug men and women; smaller pieces are called turung dulang riki-riki, and are used as wall adornment. Tutup mea-sure about 75 cm in diameter and are made of coconut leaves inside, and silal or buri leaves outside. Colored pandan leaves are sewn on the exterior and serve as decoration (Szanton 1973:64).
Calligraphy is found printed or carved on doors and gates, as well as on tapestries. Musical instruments, especially the gabbang (native xylophone), are also decorated by the Tausug (Szanton 1973:65).

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Literary Arts

Tausug literature includes poetry and prose, and narrative and nonnarrative forms. The content of these forms belongs to either of two traditions: folk, which is more closely related with indigenous culture; or Islamic, which is based on the Quran and the Hadith (sayings) and Sunna (traditions and practices) of the prophet Muhammad.
Folk nonnarrative poetry includes tigum-tigum or tukud-tukud (riddles), masaalaa (proverbs), daman (poetic dialogue or advice), pituwa (maxims), malikata (word inversions), tilik (love spells), and tarasul (poems) (Tuban 1977:101).
Tausug tigum-tigum are either asked in casual conversation or sung during celebrations; but in both cases, the answer is volunteered as soon as the audience has given up guessing. In form, they may be in quatrain form (when sung), in rimed couplet, or in prose. Common subjects include flora and fauna, house-hold items, climate, topography, celestial bodies, human anatomy, food, games, and religious practices (Tuban 1977:101, 108, 111-112).
Riddling in Tausug society functions mainly as a form of entertainment, especially during weddings, wakes, and the month of Ramadan, when it becomes a duel of wit and wisdom. It also serves a pedagogical value by training children to think and be aware of nature and the objects around them. Here are some examples (Tuban 1977:121-122):

Piyasud piyasling
Pasura paslinga
Pasa usugaringa. (Makina pagtatahi)

It was entered inside and taken outside
It was zigzagged
Let it enter, take it out
Let it zigzag. (Sewing machine)

Pay ku hangka uhayuhay
Nalatag in laum bay.(Palitaan)

My grain of palay is like a little leaf
But it was able to fill the whole house. (Lamplight)

Day kapa bud datag in labayan. (Laud)

You climb a mountain but its path is plain. (Sea)

As with other ethnolinguistic groups, Tausug ulasaalaa (proverbs) represent a world view and a perspective on life, and are often quoted at various times during celebrations, in moments of joy, sadness, or disappointments. Proverbs also serve an educational p-urpose, teaching the young the mores of Tausug society (Tuban 1977:140).
Many Tausug proverbs often reveal dominant ethnic characteristics. For instance,

Gam muti in bukug,
ayaw in tikud-tikud.

It is better to die
rather than run away from trouble.

On the other hand, another proverb warns against intemperate and hasty acts, thus:

In isug ha way akkal' way guna'.

Courage without discretion is useless.

Tausug proverbs also present a world view, an attitude towards life (Hassan et al 1974a):

In tau nagbubuluk bihasa mahumu marayaw in
parasahan niya.

A person who works hard often has a
comfortable life.

In halli' subay wajib
mangadjang ha di'
patumu' in ulan.

One must always be
prepared to have a roof
ready before the rain falls.

Belief and faith in God is also enduring among the Tausug as in this proverb:

Tuhan in paunahun,
ha unu-unu hinangun,
minsan kaw malaung,
maluhay kaw maapun.

God must be first
before you do anything else,
even if you make a mistake,
you will be easily forgiven.

Sometimes Tausug proverbs have universal appeal (Tuban 1977:144):

In manussiya magparuparu,
sagawa in Tuhan in magbaya.

Man plans
but God decides.

Kitbita in pais mu;
bang masakit kaymu,
masakit da isab ha kaibanan mu.

Pinch your own skin;
if it is painful to you,
it is also painful when done to your fellows.

Daman are poetic dialogues or advice used in courtship as well as in rites accompanying marriage. The language used is archaic, and hence, difficult to understand. Through a daman, a suitor can present his feelings in a polite and metaphorical way (Rixhon 1974a:41-44).
The following is a daman used in courtship when the father of the young woman discovers a young man loitering around the vicinity of the house. He says (Rixhon 1974a:41-44):

Unu bagun gikus,
unu lubid us' usan?

What [kind of] rope are [you] twining,
what [kind of] rope are [you] coiling?

The young man answers:

Mana'ta lupu
Kimita' pagtanuman
Bang awn na kantanaman
duun na magjambangan.

[I'm] surveying the field
In search of a place to plant
If [I] can find a pleasant place
There [I'll] make my garden.

When the subject of discussion is delicate, one which carries a sexual connotation, the daman is usually preferred to avoid giving offense. For example (Rixhon 1974a:45-46):

In bawgan' pana' mu
Yan da ka kaymu?
Bang kaw biya' siyumu
Bihun ta kaymu

Your arrow container
Is it still with you?
If you are tired of using it
I'll buy it from you.

The response may be:

Mayta' mu subay andagan?
Bihun paandigan
Bang kaw biya' sukuran
Kalu mu mabawgan.

Why do you have to ask for the price?
And buy it insinuatingly?
If you are lucky
You might have the bow for free.

Less symbolic but as archaic as the daman, Tausug pituwa (maxims or advice) are similar to proverbs (Rixhon 1974a:45):

Suppak bata malangug, mahumu' kasakitan.

The retribution for a naughty child is pain.

Dunya ini pinjaman
Hapitan panayaman
Ayaw maghamanhaman
Mahuli kananaman

The world goes on and on
a stop-over for games
do not waste time
for at the end comes repentance.

Malikata (word inversions) are coded devices by which one conceals jokes or one's feelings for another. Specifically, they are sentences with word inversions and mixtures which are decipherable according to a code.

Kaina bang in anu matinab init makatina' kay manubu'
bahal panadu?

Deciphered: Mayta' bang tau mabuta di' makakita'?

Why can't blind men see?

Ha' yangad maka-iyul-iyul sinanniyu' binhi' bang
aniya' sinaha' aniyu ni pagkawakawalan, aniyu' higan,
aniyu janni.

Deciphered: Makaluuyluuy biya' kattu' ini bang way
usahd ta, way gadgi, way pangadji'.

It is a pity for people like us not to have a job nor
to earn a salary, nor to have an education.

Tilik (love spells) are employed by Tausug men principally to win a woman's heart, but other uses abound: to make oneself appear attractive, to soothe angry feelings, to weaken an enemy, to attract custom-ers, and others. Tilik are considered sacred and should not be revealed. The example below is recited so that the angels and the prophet will appear in the beloved woman's dream. The incantation is accompanied by three taps on the corner of a pillow, which is then inverted (Tuban 1977:105-106):

Kaddim alua hi dua
Magsailu kita alua
Alua mumari kaku'!
Alua ku mattun kaymu,
Bang adlaw aku in ha atay mu
Bang dum aku in ha mata mu
Iya Mikail, iya Sarapil, iya Gibrail, iya Muhammad
Pasabisabilra niyu aku
Katua niyu kaku' hi (ngan sin babae). Pukawa!
Barakat Laillahailqulla
Barakat duwa Muhammad Razurulla.

Our two souls are chained
Let's exchange our souls
Your soul will come to me;
My soul will go to you.
At daytime I'm in your heart,
At night time I'm in your eyes.
O Michael, O Raphael, O Gabriel, O Muhammad
I am inviting you
To go to [name of woman]. Wake her up?
God's blessings!
Blessings of Muhammad!

Tarasul (poems) are both entertaining and peda-gogical. Although part of oral tradition, they are also written down. Topics of the tarasul are various-nature, cooking, love, among others (Hassan et al l974a:116, 118, 123, 126):

In ulan iban suga
Kagunahan ha dunya
U! Apu' Banuwa
In jambangan tulunga.

The rain and sun
Are essential on earth,
Oh, Apu' Banuwa ["grandfather chief"
or angel Michael]
Help the garden.

Manggis iban buwahan
Kasusuban sin katan;
In marang iban duyan
Bungangkahuy manaman.

The mangosteen and the lanzones
Are the delight of everybody;
The marang and the durian
Fruits are tasty.

Tarasul ini iban daman
Ganti' pamintangan
Ha pasal ina' subay kalasahan
Di ha dunya ganti' patuhanan.

This tarasul and daman
Serves as a lesson
Concerning the obligation to love one's mother
Since she is God's representative on earth.

Mabugtang agun in baran ku
Pasal sin raybal ku.
Hangkan no aku di' no magkadtu
Sabab landu' susa in atay ku.

My whole being seems paralyzed
[Thinking] of my rival.
The reason I no longer pay [her] a visit
Is that my heart is grieving much.

Tausug folk narratives include the salsila (ethno-historical narratives), the kaawn kissa (creation stories), the usulan kissa (origin stories), and the katakata (marchen). The salsila are basically genealogical accounts which trace noble descent. They tell of great ancestors, valiant feats, and impor-tant happenings; some salsila even invest their pro-tagonists with superhuman capabilities. A portion of a salsila narrated by Datu Salip Raja Bassal Pulalun, who traces his ancestry to Sultan Salahuddin Karamat, 1648-1666, is typical:
Sultan Karamat's son Sultan Bararuddin I has four children-the twins Datu Alimuddin Han, who is hand-some; Datu Salikala, who is ugly, abnormal, and looks like a monkey, Datu Nasaruddin; and Dayangdayang Putli'Agtah Lana. Bararuddin gives away Salikala to Datu Maharaja Dindah Bantilan. Salikala grows up strong and rescues Bararuddin from the invading Spaniards. Bantilan reveals the truth and the family is united. Salikala and his twin brother Alimuddin re-ceive word from Sultan Muhuddin of Brunei, request-ing for military assistance. The brothers oblige, but in battle, Salikala is seriously wounded. He and his men later burn themselves. A monument is built for them, and north Borneo is given as a price to the Tausug (Tuban 1977:44-46).
The theme of creation is told in various stories known as kaawn kissa. An example is "Apu' Adam Iban Apu' Hawa" (Grandfather Adam and Grand-mother Eve) which tells of our first parents and their forced exile from paradise.
God decides to create man and sends his angels to collect dust from the earth's four corners. After over-coming the devils, the angels put the soil together into a lifeless form. Water, fire, and air are added to give life. Adam is lonely and God gives him a woman, who is formed from his rib. Four children are born to them-a white man, a white woman, a black man, and a black woman. Intermarriages in later generations result in the various races of the world. Eve eats the forbidden fruit and pours its juice into Adam's mouth. After defecating in paradise, they are sent out by God (Tuban 1977:50-51).
The origins of Tausug customs and institutions are told in the usulan kissa. "In Usulan sin Katantan Bungang Kahuy iban Binatang Halal" (The Origin of Edible Fruits and Animals) narrates how Adam's circumcised skin becomes a tree, from which the edible animals-carabao, cow, goat, chicken, pigeon, horse and so forth-have their origin. The tree, which has become an obstruction to heaven's gate, is ordered cut, but it continues to grow and bears 99 fruit varieties (Tuban 1977:59).
Another usulan kissa is "In Tau Nakauna" (The First People of Sulu). A war near the Sulu archipelago leaves five male survivors, who settle in one of the islands. They meet five women survivors of another war, whom they marry. Children are born to them. One day, two men, a tall and a short one set out to search for other populated areas. They meet a woman named Putli' Indal Suga who comes from heaven. She marries the tall man and gives birth to seven boys. Sulu becomes popular in time and later begins attract Arab missionaries (Tuban 1977:59-60).
While kissa are instructive, katakata are stories which are not historical and which are recited basically for entertainment. There are generally three types of katakata, one which resembles the legend, the marchen, and the trickster tale.
An example of the first type is "In Duwa bud" (The Two Mountains). A man and a woman who have died become two mountains, which today are believed to be enchanted. Resting between the sea of Sulu and Zamboanga, the two mountains must not be referred to by travellers.
An example of the second type is the Tausug version of "Tom Thumb" folktales and is called "Hangdangaw" (literally, "a span high"). Despite his size, Hangdangaw is a voracious eater and grows with exceptional strength. He leaves his parents and -meets four powerful men who become his friends: Mamuk Bunga, Tumibik Batu, Sumagpih Ipil, and  Rumatag Bud. One day, Hangdangaw catches s big fish but discovers that he needs fire to cook it. He sends the four to get fire, but they are captured and imprisoned by a human-eating giant. Hangdangaw rescues them, and they finally get to eat the fish. After the meal, Hangdangaw throws away the fish bone, which, unfortunately lands on the maharajah's well. Hangdangaw helps the maharajah by throwing the fish bone a second time; it lands on the water hole of a panglima (headman). This is repeated two more times in the wells of the imam and the crown prince. As a reward, the daughters of the maharajah, panglima, imam, and crown prince are married off to Hangdangaw's four friends. From the crown prince's well, the fish bone lands on the sultan's. Hangdangaw intervenes again and ends up marrying the sultan's sister (Tuban 1977:63-68).
More popular among the Tausug are the trickster tales which involve Pusong and Abunnawas and which belong to the "clever lad" genre. In these tales, Pusong and Abunnawas always get away with the tricks they play on the sultan. The popularity of these tales and the irreverence they show towards the sultan betray the egalitarian attitude of the Tausug (Rixhon 1974a:34, 73).
Other katakata deal with agassi (giants) like the "Baguinda Iban Hinda Apu" (Baguinda and Grand-father Agassi). There are also stories where handsome anak datu (royal princes) or beautiful putli (royal prin-cesses) are turned into ugly creatures only to be return-ed to their true selves after undergoing various trials. "Putli Pugut" and "Manik Buwangsi" are good examples of this type of katakata.
Animal tales such as that of pilanduk, a kind of mouse deer, are also types of the katakata. Pilan-duk has evolved into a human trickster as wily as Pusong and Abunnawas (Tuban 1977:93-94). Other examples of animal tales include the stories of "The Rabbit and the Lion," "The Tukling and the Crow," and "There was a King" (Eugenio 1989:5-6, 38-39, 229-232).
Islamic literature finds expression in the inspired Arabic texts, the hadis (commentaries on Islamic law), and khutba (Friday sermon).
The azhan is the call marking the waktu (time) for the salat (prayers), which begin at subuh (early dawn), then at luhul (noon), asar at around three in the after-noon, at magalib or after sunset, and at aysa or early evening. In rural areas, the waktu for prayers is signalled by the beating of drums or gongs while the azhan is called (Rixhon 1974a:6-14).
There are also duwaa or devotional prayers made in addition to the daily salat, especially when an indi-vidual, family, or community experiences extraordi-nary difficulties or joy. Prayers known as duwaa sala-mat or thanksgiving prayers are performed whenever these crises are successfully resolved. Another duwaa called magtaubat is offered as a prayer of repentance; it asks Allah for the forgiveness of taubat (sins). Other types of prayers are duwaa arowa or those intended to commemorate death anniversaries; duwaa ulan, for the alleviation of drought. These prayers are often accompanied by a jamu (feast).
Another prayer is the jhiker, or the recitation of the 99 names of Allah guided by the tasbih (prayer beads). This is done in private or as part of the daily salat.
Pangadji or the reading/recitation of the Quran is practised by the Muslims as a manifestation of their faith and love for Allah. The recitation is either done in the masjid as part of duwaa, as an opening in a public program, or as a personal expression of abiding devo-tion to Allah.
Pangadji is also done when there is death in the family. For seven nights, starting from the first night of death, the Quran is recited by young men and women taking turns until the whole book is read. The practice is meant to insure the deceased a safe journey to the next world.
The hadith or hadis are the sayings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad, collected, compiled, and authenticated by Islamic scholars. Hadis constitute one of the sources for Islamic law and jurisprudence. They are also used to explain and clarify certain points in the Quran. The language used is Arabic.
Tausug hadis are expressed in the form of tarasul (poem) or kissa (story), and are commentaries on some points of Islamic law. The hadis tarasul are sung in the lugu (unaccompanied) tradition and introduce the faithful to a chapter in the Quran. They are also performed to inspire the people to fulfill their religious obligations (Rixhon 1974a:16-18).
Hadis kissa are also sung and are usually accom-panied by musical instruments such as the gabbang (native xylophone) and biyula (native violin). One ex-ample, the "Kissa sin Hadis sin Duwa Magtiyaun" (The Story of the Tradition of Marriage), narrates the duties and responsibilities of husbands and wives (Rix-hon 1974a:16).
The khutba is the Friday sermon given during congregational prayers, and is delivered by the khatib from the mimbar (platform). Generally, the khutba deals with religious topics and their applications to contemporary life. Usually supplemented with read-ings from the Quran, the khutba must contain at least the five rukun (essentials) to be considered valid. These are: reciting a prayer or praise to Allah; extolling the virtues of Prophet Muhammad; advising those pre-sent to remain God-conscious; reciting verses from the Quran; and praying for the faithful.
The local language is usually used for the khutba, although the Quranic verses and the prayers of praise for Allah and the Prophet are read in Arabic.
One Tausug oral tradition whose category has been shrouded in controversy is the parang sabil, a narrative song that narrates the heroism of people who "fight in the way of God." The sabil institution among the Tausug translates into a personal and religious obligation to defend Islam and to protect the community from invasion. The act of committing parang sabil is celebrated in songs known as kissa parang sabil or liangkit parang sabil. These are usually sung in the liangkit tradition accompanied by the gabbang. As a literary form, they are considered epic ballads which deal with the exploits of Muslims killed by Christians in warfare. Some parang sabil have been printed. The "Liangkit Parang Sabil kan Apud" narrates the exploits of five young Tausug men namely Apud, Jumah, Mukarram, Pisingan, and Isnain, who refuse to be inducted as trainees in the militia. They become outlaws and are eventually killed in a continu-ous battle that lasts for about three weeks (Kiefer 1970).
The "Parang Sabil hi Baddon" tells the story of -Baddon who is insulted by a datu. Baddon ambushes the nobleman, after which he is declared an outlaw. A military operation is launched against him. Fighting begins between the relatives of Baddon and the datu (Mercado 1963).
The "Parang Sabil hi Abdulla" tells the story of Putli Isara, the beautiful daughter of a panglima the fiance of Abdulla. By the river one day, a Spanish soldier accosts Putii Isara and touches her. The event causes Putli Isara and Abdulla to commit parang sabil ("Parang Sabil" 1973).

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Performing Arts

Various musical instruments, played solo or as an ensemble, provide the Tausug with music. Most notab-le is the kulintangan ensemble consisting of two gandang (drums), a tungallan (large gong), a duwahan (set of two-paired gongs), and the kulintangan (a graduated series of 8 to 11 small gongs). At least five players are needed to play the ensemble which is used to accompany dances or provide music during celebra-tions (Kiefer 1970:2).
Other popular instruments are the gabbang (na-tive xylophone) and the biyula (native violin). With 14 to 24 keys divided into seven-note scales, the gabbang has become the most popular musical instrument in Sulu. It is used to accompany Tausug vocal music such as the sindil. The tune produced when the gabbang is played solo by a man or woman is called tahtah.
The biyula is similar to but larger than the western violin. It consists of four strings played by a bow made of horsehair. Traditionally played by men, the biyula, with the gabbang, accompany the sindil (Kiefer 1970:2)
Flute music is associated with peace and travel. It represented by the following less popular instruments: the saunay (reed flute), suling (bamboo flute), and kulaing (jew's harp). The saunay is essentially a six-holed slender bamboo, 1.5 mm in diameter, capped by a sampung simud (mouthguard). A resonating chamber made of palm leaves is housed in the mouthguard. The suling is a larger version of the saunay. It is a 60-cm long bamboo with a 2-cm diameter. Like the saunay, it has six fingerholes (Kiefer 1970:4).
The repertoire for Tausug instrumental music in-clude: the gabbang tahtah (gabbang with biyula accompaniment); the kasi-lasa, lugu, and tahtah (biyula songs); the sinug kiadtu-kari (kulintangan); the tiawag kasi (saunay music), the tahtah (suling music); and others (Kiefer 1970).
Kalangan or Tausug vocal music can be divided into narrative and lyric songs, and further into the lugu and the paggabang traditions. The luguh traditio-n denotes unaccompanied religious songs, while the paggabang tradition applies to "more mundane" songs that are accompanied by the gabbang and biyula (Trimillos 1972).
Narrative songs tell a story and include all the sung kissa like the parang sabil. Lyric songs express ideas and feelings and consist of the langan batabata (children's songs), the baat (occupational songs), the baat caallaw and pangantin (funeral and bridal songs, respectively), the tarasul (sung poems), the sindil (sung verbal jousts), the liangkit (from langkit or "chained"), and the sangbay or song to accompany the dalling-dalling dance.
The langan batabata are more specifically lulla-bies. They have a soft and relaxing melody (Tuban 1977:210):

Dundang ba Utu
tug na ba kaw
Liyalangan ta sa kaw
Bang bukun sabab ikaw
In maglangan mahukaw.

Go to sleep
Now my son
I am singing to you
If not because of you
I would not even like to sing.

Baat and kalangan are the same, the latter being the more general term to refer to singing. The baat taallaw have a melancholic melody. The following commemorates a dead sea captain (Rixhon 1974a:49):

Tuwan ku Tuwan Nahoda
Bati' bali' na ba kaw
Sin pu'pu' Tahaw
Aturan hawhaw
Tubig pangdan malihaw
Hiubat langang uhaw.

My beloved, beloved Nahuda
Will you please wake up
Will you take a look
At the islet of Tahaw
It seems very far
But its clear water among the screw pines
Can quench one's thirst.

After a hard day's work, the farmers and the fishers sing the following songs which have happy melodies:

Manok-manok Iupad kaw
Sulat ini da kaw
Pagdatung mu sumha kaw
Siki limo siyum kaw.

Little bird fly away
Bring this letter
When you arrive make an obeisance
And kiss [her] feet and hands.

Saupama naghangka-bangka
In alun landu' dakula
Seesabroos nagkalalawa'
Hi rayang hadja
In ba laum dila'.

Supposing I'll go boating
The waves are very big
The Seesabroos was lost
Mv darling's name
was always on my tongue.

The baat pangantin are also known as langan pangantin. With a soothing melody, they are used to reassure a bride and to console a friend (Rixhon 1974a:51):

Unu in hi langan
Sin hidlaw kan jungjungan
Ayir bajanggang
Sukkal banding di kapasangan
Hi ula katumbangan
Bang maisa kulangan
Dayang in pagngnnan

What can I sing
[To ease my] yearning for my beloved
[Her] incomparable presence
cannot be matched
[My] dear idolized lover
When lying in the chamber
Utters the name of his beloved.

The sindil (sung verbal jousts) belong to the gabbang tradition and are performed by both sexes conducting an extemporaneous battle of wits. Teasing, jokes, and innuendos flow into the verses, the better ones applauded by the audience (Kiefer 1970: 10).

arri ba dundangun
aha pantun sila sing pindagun
a pantun sing pagpindangun
arri andu arrj ba hampil punungun
ba lugay diq pagdanganun.

nagsablay kaw manipis ba manga
naganggil no ma kaw mga abris
mga naganggil na mga abris
arri bang kaw Nihma magkawa misis
agun ta kaw hikapanguntis.

Nihma [Woman]:
I sing as I am rocking a cradle
With patience,
Until I am exhausted
I have waited a long time
to be called "darling."

Hassin [Man]:
You, wearing a sheer dress,
Resembling a precious stone,
Resembling a precious stone,
Nihma, when you finally call yourself "Mrs"
I may enter you in a beauty contest.

The liangkit are long solo pieces accompanied by the gabbang and biyula. Unlike the sindil, they are not performed extemporaneously. The subject of the liangkit is wide-love, war, nature, and others. The Tausug lelling, adopted from the Samal, are part of the liangkit tradition, but are sung to the music provided by a guitar. They relate and comment on current events. One good ex-ample is the lelling narrating the entry of the Moro National Liberation Front forces into Jolo town in February 1974.
The art of singing to the dalling-dalling dance is called pagsangbay. The song usually dictates the movement that the dancers should follow.
The lugu or sail tradition is associated with reli-gious rituals and rites of the life cycle such as wed-dings, births, paggunting, pagtammat, and funerals. It is characterized by dahig or jugjug (high vocal ten-sion). The tempo is slow with long sustained and stressed tones. Although usually performed by women, the lugu can also be sung by men (Trimillos 1974):

Malam ismin piyag bata
Ama pilihan mahakuta
Nabiyulla nabi Muhammad
Panghu sa sin kanabihan.

It was Monday night
A child was born
Of Allah. He is Muhammad
To redeem the sins of man.

The most well-known dance of the Tausug is the pangalay. It is the basic style from which the move-ments of various dances in Sulu and Tawi-Tawi are derived. The pangalay is danced by either sex, alone or together, and is usually accompanied by the kulintang ensemble. The movement of the pangalay is concen-trated on the thighs, knees, ankles, toes, waist, shoulders, neck, elbows, wrists, and fingers. The torso is usually kept rigid, moving upward or downward as the flow of the dance demands. The feet is firmly planted on the ground and move in small shuffling steps (Amilbangsa 1983:14, 62).
The pangalay dances are distinctive in their use of the janggay (metal nail extenders) to underscore hand movements. The extended fingers are stiff and set apart from the thumbs.
Another well-known Tausug dance is the dalling--dalling, where handkerchiefs or fans are used. A sing-er usually accompanies the dance by describing the various movements of the dancer. The song is known as the sangbay and the singing. pagsangbay. Some of the songs used are "Lingisan/kinjung-kinjung," "Dalling-dalling." The development of the dalling--dalling is attributed to a native Tausug by the name of Albani who became a famous proponent of the dance (Amilbangsa 1983:42).
Tausug martial-art dances are performed by men and include the langka-silat and the langka-kuntaw. The langka-silat simulates a fight and is usually per-formed with two or three other dancers. The langka--kuntaw is a dance of self-defense, resembling the mar-tial arts of China, Japan, and Burma (Amilbangsa 1983:32-35).
A Tausug occupational dance is the linggisan which depicts a bird in flight; the taute, which shows a fisher diving for the prickly catfish; and the suwa--suwa, which shows dancers imitating the swaying of lemon trees (Amilbangsa 1983:28).

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